Guest columnist Phillip E. Thompson writes, “While the political motivation behind the redistricting push is clear, a key question still stands for Black Virginians — ‘how does the new map benefit us?’”
Let us start with the obvious: the flyers using civil-rights imagery to influence Black Virginia voters on redistricting were juvenile, foolish, and deserving of the outrage they received. This effort generally represented the Republicans’ way of communicating with Black people: tone deaf and completely cynical. Any Black person associated with that effort should be embarrassed and criticized.
On the other hand, Black voters here understand state Democrats’ desire to respond to Republican redistricting tactics seen in states like Texas and Florida. The proposed map aims for ten Democratic-leaning districts and one Republican-leaning seat. While the political motivation is clear, a key question still stands for Black Virginians.
How does this benefit us?
Black voters form a critical component of the Democratic leadership and voting bloc in Virginia, consistently organizing, participating, and contributing substantial margins essential to Democratic control of the General Assembly and the election of a Democratic governor. They have done their job for the Democrats.
However, analysis of the proposed map’s accompanying data tables indicates that Black political influence is not being consolidated.
The proposal maintains one distinctly Black-influence district while dispersing Black voters among other districts. Specifically: the 3rd Congressional District comprises a 42.64% Black voting age population; the 4th District, 39.97%; the 5th, 22.59%; the 8th, 20.41%; the 1st, 19.04%; and the 10th and 11th districts, 7.96% and 7.69%, respectively.
Regardless of the criteria used to assess effective electoral power, Richmond, Petersburg, Southside, and other predominantly Black communities were not combined into a district specifically designed to increase Black representation or create a viable opportunity for a third congressional seat for a Black candidate.
Instead, Black voters from these areas were dispersed across multiple districts, including the 5th and 8th, which may solidify Democratic support but are not necessarily structured to enhance Black political influence.
To date, most of the announced Democratic candidates for the newly established districts are white, and most of the institutional support, money and endorsements has been directed toward these candidates. As a result, some Black Virginians have expressed frustration with the maps, questioning why at least one of the new districts was not drawn to better represent regions that could support Black candidates, especially given the substantial number of Black state senators and delegates who were ready to run.
The quick allocation of resources to white candidates highlights ongoing questions of institutional equity in the Democratic party.
We know the argument — that white Democrats are preferable to white Republicans on issues affecting Black communities. However, in Virginia, persistent racial disparities across the socioeconomic spectrum remain deep and durable, seemingly no matter who has held power in Washington or Richmond.
Black women in Virginia continue to face much worse maternal-health outcomes than their counterparts. The Virginia Maternal Mortality Review Team reported that in 2022, Black women had a pregnancy-associated death rate of 138.1 per 100,000 live births, compared with 50.6 for white women. The same report found Black women had cardiac-related pregnancy-associated death rates of 26.6 per 100,000, versus 5.8 for white women.
Cancer outcomes for women tell a similar story. The Virginia Cancer Registry found that Black women in Virginia do not have substantially higher breast cancer incidence than white women, but they do have a breast cancer mortality rate about 38% higher.
The criminal-justice disparities are just as stark. A 2025 Virginia Criminal Justice Data Snapshot revealed that the prison incarceration rate for Black Virginians remains nearly five times higher than white Virginians’ rate. Compared with white adults in Virginia, the data showed, Black adults are 2.5 times more likely to be arrested, 2.2 times more likely to be on probation, 3.9 times more likely to be in prison, and 8.2 times more likely to be on parole.
All this, while Black Virginians make up just 20% of the state’s population, according to U.S. Census Bureau figures, compared to white people, who make up 67% of it.
In education, the pipeline still runs in the wrong direction. A 2024 review of Virginia school discipline found that Black students make up less than a quarter of statewide K-12 enrollment but nearly half of students placed in alternative settings. The report also found Virginia remains among the states suspending the highest numbers of students and that Black students continue to be disciplined disproportionately.
Concerning wealth and institutional investment, the gap yawns. The University of Virginia School of Law summarized a state racial inequity report by noting that the national white-Black wealth gap “holds true in Virginia.” Federal housing data show only 48% of Black households in Virginia own their homes, compared with 73% of white households.
Historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) reflect fewer financial investments than those predominantly white institutions receive. Federal officials estimated in 2023 that Virginia State University had been underfunded by more than $277 million from 1987 to 2020.
Although the proposed map is seen as partisan self-defense, supporting the Democratic Party has not always equated to empowering Black Virginians —a concern party leaders have yet to address.
If Black voters are crucial for Democratic wins, why wasn’t more effort made to form a district in areas with large Black populations like Richmond, Petersburg, Southside, or Tidewater that would certainly support black candidates? While the map may benefit Democrats overall, it still leaves Black Virginians questioning its composition.
Opposing Donald Trump and congressional Republicans is a worthy goal for Democrats. But it’s a Washington fight, and Black support of Washington politicians does not always result in trickle down benefits to Black Americans.
As Democratic political elites encourage Black Virginians to vote yes on these maps, Black Virginians must still ask, what does yes mean? Until these issues and questions are addressed transparently, the question for Black Virginians is not “yes” or “no,” it is “what is in this for us?”
